On May 29, 2000, I posted my last message on Dehai.org in which I called on Issayas to make an honorable exit from Office by transferring power to someone he trusted, but that if failed to do so, that the nation would face an unprecedented danger. In my last posting, I also promised the readers that I would post my views, which I believed then Eritreans were ready for, or which I believed then would fall into the cracks, or which I believed then would be counterproductive, when their time arrived. So many events have unfolded since then, and many Eritreans have also expressed their views on each one of them. Nonetheless, I have now decided to prepare a package of articles and essays where I will express my views, in my own words, on the many aspects that Eritrea has so far witnessed, and on events that I believe the nation will face in the future. In some parts of the package, I will put forth my proposal to the post-Issayas governments, but in many of them, I will simply make my views known.

Since the series will be posted in several weeks and not in one day, it has proved impossible for me to release them in such a way that adheres to historical, chronological or topical order. Therefore I will release them in the order in which I believe will accommodate the interests of diverse readers.

The 24-part package will be referred to as," In Solidarity With the Forces of Good," and each part will be identified as, part 1 of 24, part 2 of 24 ... part 24 of 24. I will prepare each part in two to six days depending on my various circumstances. Each part might comprise two to 10 pages.

I also would like to make it known to all readers beforehand that I do not belong to any political organization. I consider myself an independent person, and my views are based on my own independent thinking and researches.

Below, I will give the readers a glimpse of what each part will contain:

Parts 1 of 6 will discuss mainly about the Badme War, its origins and its consequences, and whether or not the war was needed at all, and whether or not there was a way to stop it before and after it broke out.
Part 1 of 24, will discuss the causes of the war.
Part 2 of 24, will go over the causes of the war as were presented by the GOE and its cadres and look into each one of them as to whether or not they could've been the real causes, and whether those reasons alone could justify a war and the loss of Eritrean lives.
Part 3 of 24, will discuss the many steps that Issayas should have gone through to resolve the border issue before and after the war broke out, and whether Issayas as a leader had an opportunity to lay the ground for a win-win exit from the war.
Part 4 of 24, will discuss why Eritreans bought into the war effort and whether or not Eritrean scholars and the US could've helped stop the war and minimize the war casualties. Also will discuss why both the Ethiopian and Eritrean peoples have been the real victims of the War.
Part 5 of 24. will discuss hypothetical scenarios of whether the ethnic and religious backgrounds of both Eritrean and Ethiopian leaders aggravated the conflict, and what Eritreans need to do to prevent the recurrence of the same episode in the future.
Part 6 of 24 the real war casualties and the real death toll of Eritrean and Ethiopian soldiers and why such a heavy human casualty in a two-year war.
Parts 7 and 8 will discuss why the PFDJ usurped the Eritrean land, what are the short-term benefits for the PFDJ, and what are the long-term consequences for the whole nation. Also will discuss the use and dispose of habit of the EPLF/PFDJ.
Part 9 of 24 will discuss the good, the bad, and the ugly nature of Eritreans in Eritrea and abroad, and whether Eritreans are better off under PFDJ than they had been for hundreds of years.
Part 10 of 24 will commemorate the Mi Habar heros. Also, why Eritreans have turned their backs against these heros.
Parts 11 through 13 of 24 will discuss whether Tigrigna and Arabic will complement or destroy each other in Eritrea. Will also discuss the pros and cons of declaring national or official languages.
Part 14 of 24 will discuss whether the formation of the EPLF by Issayas benefitted Eritrean Christians and the nation alike, or whether the negative results have outweighed the positive of such a splinter group. Also, will discuss PFDJ's prisons and prison camps. Will also discuss the use and dispose of habit of the EPLF/PFDJ
Part 15 of 24 will discuss the use and dispose of habit of, and the systematic obliteration of Eritrean religions and Eritrean culture by the PFDJ.
Part 16 of 24 will discuss whether the PFDJ will be committed to a true political plurality, and whether it will ever conduct a true and fair election. Also will discuss how the PFDJ has been committed to excluding its real and imagined opponents from the outset, right since it set its feet in Asmara.
Part 17 of 24 will discuss why the PFDJ has never been and will never be committed to the freedom of the press, and whether or not the PFDJ is a closet communist.
Part 18 of 24 will discuss why Issayas chose to take the Precedency hostage and why he has refused to name his successor, also whether or not Issayas could have been made the George Washington of Eritrea, and whether 200 years from now he could have been remembered by Eritrean children in the same way as Washington is being remembered by the US children in the USA now.
Part 19 of 24 how Eritrea and Ethiopia can coexist in the future. How Eritrea could resolve Ethiopia's access to the Red Sea permanently. For this, I will let the readers keep guessing what I mean by permanently.
Part 20 of 24 will discuss what was behind PFDJ's decision to alter the regional map of Eritrea and how it succeeded in doing so without meeting a stiff resistence from Eritreans, despite their disapproval of the measure.
Part 21 of 24 will discuss how the PFDJ is banking on its name, shaebia or ginbar, why it chose to keep those names. Will discuss why the PFDJ imposed its own flag on Eritrea and the need to restore the Eritrean flag and change the current choice of an emblem of the PFDJ. Will also discuss why a true-multi party system is a must-have for Eritrea. Also the need for all political parties to drop their old names, and the need to prohibit parties from including terms that connote violence or militancy ... in their names.
Part 22 of 24 will comment on Eritrea's foreign policy and on whether or not Eritrea should become a member of the Arab League and under what circumstances.
Part 23 of 24 Conclusion, will also discuss the future of the PFDJ and its leader. Whether the PFDJ has an ace in the hole, which could be an ultimate weapon to its survival. Also will discuss the need of religion in Eritreans' lives, and why all Eritreans collectively should shoulder the responsibility for what their country is in now, also will point out why all Eritreans need to forgive one another and why peace is around the corner for Eritrea and Eritreans.
Part 24 of 24 will discuss whether the local legends, (for those who believe in legends), which have been passing down from generation to generation in Eritrea, have any relevance to the present and future of Eritrea.

I thank everyone in advance.